Written by Dr Narayani Sritharan and Peter Rizkillah
Sinophobia in Indonesia is not merely a by-product of the BRI but a consequence of economic ambition intersecting with security concerns in a rapidly changing geopolitical landscape.
Read MoreWritten by Dr Narayani Sritharan and Peter Rizkillah
Sinophobia in Indonesia is not merely a by-product of the BRI but a consequence of economic ambition intersecting with security concerns in a rapidly changing geopolitical landscape.
Read MoreWritten by Michael Kugelman
Ultimately, like any democratic leader, Muizzu will need to walk a tightrope between foreign policy imperatives and domestic political considerations. A balancing policy abroad will also require one at home.
Read MoreWritten by Matthias van Herel
Whether Beijing will find a partner in the new Polish government will heavily depend on Beijing’s capacity to reinvent the BRI, as its current incarnation is losing momentum in Europe.
Read MoreMinilaterals have become the partnerships of choice for addressing joint problems in the Indo-Pacific and deepening cooperation beyond traditional formats.
In this In Forum, 9DASHLINE invites several experts to assess whether minilaterals can make global governance more effective and whether the institutional landscape of the Indo-Pacific will become overcrowded in 2024.
Read MoreWritten by Drake Long
Rather than celebrating each time a country publicly cancels a Chinese project, the US, Australia, the EU, and other nations competing for influence at the expense of Beijing should keep in mind the wider picture — Manila and other capitals like it are shopping around for alternatives.
Read MoreWritten by Francesco Giovanni Lizzi
While an automatic continuation of the MoU might dissuade a Chinese reaction, it would squander the political capital invested to reassure the American allies. Conversely, exiting the Initiative would complicate Chinese-Italian relations even further since an alternative agreement with Beijing would be needed.
Read MoreWritten by Lukas Fiala
The key question is whether Xi’s growing assertiveness and inadequacy of existing means to ensure the security of Chinese entities abroad will lead to a more pronounced security footprint over the coming decade, featuring new military base arrangements and, potentially, institutionalised security guarantees.
Read MoreWritten by Aditya Gowdara Shivamurthy
There is less space for China’s diplomatic manoeuvres if the next Maldivian government embraces a minimalist interaction with China and chooses alternative Indo-Pacific partners to deter any Chinese misadventures.
Read MoreWritten by Joanne Lin
Statistics have shown that although China has a significant degree of influence over Laos, it is certainly not controlling the country.
Read MoreWritten by Dr Jeremy Garlick
The BRI’s unfulfilled potential in the region leaves the connectivity and cooperation aims of the initiative largely on the shelf, with the main successes for China located in Western Balkan countries that are not EU members.
Read MoreWritten by Muhammad Faizal Bin Abdul Rahman
Even as it coordinates with other Indo-Pacific strategies and the G20, the priority for the Quad should be to make the geopolitical landscape more amenable to engagement with ASEAN.
Read MoreWritten by Nashalie De Silva and Thilina Panduwawala
It will be crucial to communicate the need for these tough reforms to voters and ensure that they benefit from the economic recovery.
Read MoreWritten by Kyoko Hatakeyama
Moreover, since Japan has maintained a stable relationship with China — despite their territorial disputes — the region does not have to worry about backlash or anger from China just because they choose Japan over China.
Read MoreWritten by Marco Neveu and Charlie Thame
Xi’s anti-corruption projects in the mainland seem to have sparked a degree of outward mobility by the triads from the authoritarian domestic core towards the more liminal and experimental periphery of Chinese influence.
Read MoreWritten by Mohammadbagher Forough
While tropes such as ‘values’ and ‘standards’ are promoted as the main feature of the Global Gateway’s connectivity agenda, African countries (and many others in Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America) will not overlook the fact that this promoted feature contrasts uneasily with neo-colonialist-sounding dichotomies like ‘garden/jungle’.
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