Russia’s invasion — 9DASHLINE

9DASHLINE recently sat down with Dr Kate Cronin-Furman to discuss her important new book Hypocrisy and Human Rights: Resisting Accountability for Mass Atrocities.

The book investigates the diverse ways in which repressive regimes respond to calls for justice and accountability and argues that international pressure can produce valuable results through indirect paths.

In Conversation9DLOctober 17, 20239dashline, Kate Cronin-Furman, In Conversation, In Conversation with Kate Cronin-Furman, Hypocrisy and Human Rights: Resisting Accountability for Mass Atrocities, repression, regime, justice, accountability, human rights, noncompliance, international human rights pressure, quasi-compliance, UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), multilateral, human rights enforcement, US, UK, Western human rights enforcement efforts, Sri Lanka, civil war, mass atrocities, NGOs, UN Human Rights Council, peer states, ethnic majoritarian democracy, marginalised communities, Tamil, civilian, military, Sinhalese, Burmese Rohingya, ohingya, Rohingya, minority, counter-terrorism, national security, India, China, International Criminal Court, sanctions, war criminals, war crimes, reputational, transitional justice, international human rights norms, racism, islamophobia, media, Ukraine, Russia’s invasion, victims, audiences

China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Central and Eastern Europe: stuttering to a halt?

Written by Dr Jeremy Garlick

The BRI’s unfulfilled potential in the region leaves the connectivity and cooperation aims of the initiative largely on the shelf, with the main successes for China located in Western Balkan countries that are not EU members.

Europe and the Indo-Pacific9DLJune 12, 20239DashLine, China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Central and Eastern Europe: stuttering to a halt?, Jeremy Garlick, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), China, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), One Belt One Road, Beijing, Russia, Western Europe, developing world, Global South, investment, Cold War, Soviet influence, Sino-Soviet split, communist regimes, 16+1 framework, 16+1, 16+1 summit, 14+1, 17+1, EU, trade, economy, trade routes, China-CEE cooperation, Russian invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s invasion, Russia's aggression, Lithuania, Czech Republic, Taiwan, infrastructure, Western Balkans, Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, China-CEE cooperation framework, Russia’s regional influence, Greece, high-speed railway, Belgrade, Budapest, EU regulations, Hungary, Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia, Southeast Europe, port of Piraeus, trade chain, Suez Canal, trade volumes, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, bilateral deals, EU bureaucracy, highway, railway, Danube River, bridge, sewer system, power plants, energy infrastructure, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Central Asia, Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), Africa, EU accession, EU integration, creditor, Fudan University, ‘One China’ policy, United Nations, Xinjiang, connectivity, Eurosceptic, CEE countries, CEE region, regionalisation, CEE, Central and Eastern Europe, European Union

France in the Indo-Pacific: Not so ambivalent after all

Written by Gesine Weber

If France wants to seize the opportunity for asserting leadership among Europeans on the Indo-Pacific, it will also be up to the President to preach what the country already practices.

Europe and the Indo-Pacific9DLMay 10, 20239dashline, France in the Indo-Pacific: not so ambivalent after all, Gesine Weber, French President Emmanuel Macron, US-China competition, France, Taiwan, Indo-Pacific, EU, EU member states, US, allies, Paris, Exclusive Economic Zone, French overseas territories, trade, EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, Council of the EU, Ministerial Forum for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, Stockholm, Russia's war, Russia’s invasion, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the Gulf, South Africa, East Africa, India, Japan, Australia, AUKUS, submarine deal, anglophone club, transatlantic, Washington, puissance d’équilibres, foreign policy, middle power, logic of blocs, third way, US-China competition for hegemony, Strait of Taiwan, connectivity, defence, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, de-risking, hawkish, Multilateralism, flexible engagement, Revue Stratégique (Strategic Review), Antoine Bondaz, puissance d’initiatives, minilateralism, La Perouse, United Kingdom, London, Franco-British summit, geopolitical

Why India won’t break from Russia.. yet

Written by Ian Hall

New Delhi clearly believes — rightly — that India’s relationship with the United States, underpinned by a shared interest in better managing China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, is sufficiently robust to weather disagreement over this war.

Pacific9DLNovember 7, 20229DashLine, Ian Hall, Why India won’t break from Russia… yet, India, Russia, Ukraine, Russia-China bloc, Russia's aggression, Russian gas, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Ukraine war, Narendra Modi, Prime Minister Modi, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), SCO Summit, Vladimir Putin, India’s Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Russia’s invasion, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, inflation, Food Prices, UN Security Council, Security Council Resolution, annexation, UN General Assembly (UNGA), COVID-19, post-pandemic recovery, Indian economy, Sino-Indian border, Himalayas, New Delhi, Moscow, Kremlin, Beijing, United States, Indo-Pacific, China’s coercion, humanitarian crisis, Indian students, media, diplomacy, Soviet, military hardware, S-400 air defence systems, Pakistan, Alliance, allies, multipolar order, bloc, nuclear, geopolitics, China challenge, nuclear submarine, South Asia, Indian Ocean, client state