9DASHLINE recently sat down with Sumit Ganguly, Manjeet Pardesi, and William Thompson to discuss their highly relevant new book The Sino-Indian Rivalry: Implications for Global Order.
Showing how the Sino-Indian rivalry has evolved from the late 1940s to the present day, the authors underscore its significance for global politics and highlight how the asymmetries between India and China have the potential to escalate conflict in the future.
Read MoreWritten by Ian Hall
New Delhi clearly believes — rightly — that India’s relationship with the United States, underpinned by a shared interest in better managing China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, is sufficiently robust to weather disagreement over this war.
Read More9DASHLINE recently sat down with Amish Raj Mulmi to discuss his new book All Roads Lead North: China, Nepal and the Contest for the Himalayas.
Read MoreWritten by Nitasha Kaul and Dechen Rabgyal
While the challenges are significant, the intertwined nature of regional trade, livelihood, resources, and security management means that paradiplomacy can be given much greater attention to bring local concerns to the forefront.
Read MoreWritten by Velina Tchakarova
India’s geopolitical choices are either joining the US-led bloc of predominantly Anglosphere allies and close partners such as Japan and Australia against China, or, once again, building partnerships of non-aligned middle powers that can navigate through the complex relationship between Washington and Beijing without taking sides.
Read MoreWritten by Velina Tchakarova
Whereas China approaches its affairs with India as asymmetric and non-zero-sum, India sees itself involved in a zero-sum interaction between two equally powerful countries in South Asia. India’s perception of China is that Beijing is taking the central position in its direct neighbourhood and increasingly in the IOR, while China perceives New Delhi as a major geopolitical factor with considerable naval capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region.
Read MoreWritten by Kunal Singh
Demarcation of the Line of Actual Control and hence the border in the western sector will not be easy but both sides should be willing to make some adjustments because the larger strategic gains accrued exceed, by a big margin, minor territorial losses. While a package deal may not be on the table or even on the mental radars of the leadership in each country, it should be, as it is the only thing that makes sense for everyone.
Read MoreWith Happymon Jacob
When one looks at Sino-EU relations from New Delhi, it seems that the EU is not so critical of Chinese policy. The EU wants to do business with China and Brussels is not very keen to push back on Beijing's aggressive behaviour or criticise its conduct toward smaller countries in the Indo-Pacific. The CAI, which replaces 16 existing economic agreements with Beijing with a single major agreement is perhaps indicative of this.
Read MoreWritten by Sanjay Pulipaka and Mohit Musaddi
Chinese scholars reportedly made a case for Tajikistan to 'return’ the Pamir region, which once ‘belonged to China’. This perhaps is a signal that Beijing is keen to develop greater control of territories adjoining the troubled provinces of Xinjiang and Tibet.
Read MoreWritten by Ian Hall
There can be little doubt that what just happened in the Galwan River Valley constitutes the biggest test yet faced by Narendra Modi’s government. Modi’s options are, however, constrained.
Read More
