Written by Satvik Pendyala and Nathaniel Sher
As the United States adapts to rising strategic competition with China, it has sought to strengthen ties with New Delhi as a key partner in the Indo-Pacific.
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Written by Dr Kei Koga and Dr Karthik Nachiappan
Rather than focusing on divergences between Japan and India or between the G7 and the G20, the areas of convergence (such as energy and food security, inflation, and climate) should be turned into functional linkages.
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Written by Rahul Bhatia
Beijing is keen to maintain its edge in border infrastructure and is in no rush to clarify the LAC, as it believes that an unsettled border will keep India limited to the region and prevent New Delhi from projecting its power globally.
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Written by Dhanasree Jayaram and Radhika Ajayan
It is high time that militaries, especially major ones, are brought under the ambit of the Paris Agreement. Without making these massive institutions accountable, the window for preventing the worst effects of climate change will likely close.
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Written by Jabin T Jacob
Under the circumstances, third countries with no skin in the game but possessing a crucial vote in the UN General Assembly or asked to make a choice might be forgiven for not taking India seriously when it complains about China.
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Written by Kunal Singh
A New Delhi which is less interested in balancing China will be less useful to its partners in the Quad, and India is indeed the only Quad country to have engaged China in military combat for many years.
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Written by Jagannath Panda
India’s current and future plan to support, launch and take forward the Supply Chain Resilience Initiative with Australia and Japan points to New Delhi’s approach of building a stronger narrative that poses challenges to China’s economic moves and strategic motives.
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Written by Suyash Desai
As visible from the ongoing stand-off, it’s difficult to restore the status quo ante once it is changed by force as the two sides evenly match up. Thus India needs to be cautious about the changing nature of China’s military operations and its manifestation on the Sino-Indian border.
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Written by Archana Atmakuri
The Galwan Valley clash marked the end of the Wuhan-Chennai consensus which had raised hopes that India and China would discuss and resolve deep misunderstandings, however, informal summits failed to prevent the recent tensions in Ladakh.
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Written by Velina Tchakarova
India’s geopolitical choices are either joining the US-led bloc of predominantly Anglosphere allies and close partners such as Japan and Australia against China, or, once again, building partnerships of non-aligned middle powers that can navigate through the complex relationship between Washington and Beijing without taking sides.
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Written by John Pollock
The continuing presence of the PLA throughout Ladakh, with the pressure being applied on the Depsang Plains and the refusal to withdraw from Gogra and Hot Springs, indicates Beijing is not yet finished eroding India’s tactical position in the Himalayas for its strategic gain.
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Written by Claude Rakisits
Militarily, this is an agreement that India needed more than Pakistan, especially following last year’s military confrontation with the Chinese in Ladakh (which is part of the greater Kashmir area). Caught on the backfoot, Delhi could not afford, in military and budgetary terms, to have two active fronts to worry about on its northwest border, particularly given that Pakistan and China are strategic allies.
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Written by Zoe Jordan
The CCP is well-versed in utilising its media apparatus to communicate strategic narratives, and given the timing of disengagement, the event was likely seen as an opportune moment to pursue domestic political objectives through a related media campaign.
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Chris Ogden is a Senior Lecturer/Associate Professor in Asian Security at the University of St Andrews. His book China and India: Asia's Emergent Great Powers was published in April 2017.
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Written by Kunal Singh
Demarcation of the Line of Actual Control and hence the border in the western sector will not be easy but both sides should be willing to make some adjustments because the larger strategic gains accrued exceed, by a big margin, minor territorial losses. While a package deal may not be on the table or even on the mental radars of the leadership in each country, it should be, as it is the only thing that makes sense for everyone.
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With Happymon Jacob
When one looks at Sino-EU relations from New Delhi, it seems that the EU is not so critical of Chinese policy. The EU wants to do business with China and Brussels is not very keen to push back on Beijing's aggressive behaviour or criticise its conduct toward smaller countries in the Indo-Pacific. The CAI, which replaces 16 existing economic agreements with Beijing with a single major agreement is perhaps indicative of this.
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Written by Sanjay Pulipaka and Mohit Musaddi
Chinese scholars reportedly made a case for Tajikistan to 'return’ the Pamir region, which once ‘belonged to China’. This perhaps is a signal that Beijing is keen to develop greater control of territories adjoining the troubled provinces of Xinjiang and Tibet.
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Written by Sreejith Sasidharan
The violence in Ladakh, also allowed Beijing to examine the degree of coordination that exists within the Indo-US strategic partnership. As Indian and Chinese soldiers clashed with medieval-style weapons in the Galwan Valley, Beijing paid close attention to how the United States reacted.
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