natural resources — 9DASHLINE

As the Philippines’ 'agency' in West Philippine Sea rises, so too does its infrastructure development

Written by Joshua Bernard Espeña

In the Philippine context, the country’s newfound middle-power position offers the Southeast Asian state the ability to navigate uncertainties based on clearly defined national interests, and doubling down on its commitment to develop its infrastructures in the West Philippine Sea is one of the ways to do it.

Southeast Asia9DLMarch 21, 20249dashline, Joshua Bernard Espeña, Philippines, Philippine sea, maritime infrastructure development, Anti-Access/Area-Denial operations, A2/AD, South China Sea, SCS, drones, imagery intelligence devices, agency, assertive transparency, revisionist moves, middle-power, Southeast Asia, national interests, Philippine Congress, infrastructure development, Martin Romualdez, economic development, resource base, natural resources, Manila, diplomacy, China, Beijing, theory of victory, strategic culture, Ferdinand Marcos Jr, Marcos Jr., National Security Policy (NSP) 2023-2028, NSP 2023-2028, multipolar world, national sovereignty, territorial integrity, national security, resupply missions, joint exercises, construction development, John Mearsheimer, foreign policy objectives, informational spheres, like-minded allies, domestic politics, external powers, foreign policy, Philippine-US alliance, Enhanced Defence Cooperation Agreement, EDCA, Northern Luzon, Huang Xilian, Taiwan, Comprehensive Archipelagic Defence Concept, CADC, Armed Forces of the Philippines, AFP, Mavulis Island, Basco, Batanes province, American interests, Chinese power, Taiwan Strait, West Philippine Sea, Philippine Department of National Defence, archipelagic security, geostrategic agency, Rodrigo Duterte, Philippine-China relations, Malacañang Palace, Cheloy Serafil, Xi, Pantaleon Alvarez, appeasement, Jonathan Malaya, territory, multi-domain future warfare, warfare, As the Philippines’ 'agency' in West Philippine Sea rises, so too does its infrastructure development

Intersectionality as the key to Indo-Pacific climate action

Written by Treesa Shaju and Dr Dhanasree Jayaram

Taking an intersectional approach to climate change recognises the interconnected and interwoven nature of social, economic, ecological, political, and cultural issues in the formulation of climate change policies and strategies.

Editor's Picks9DLMarch 18, 20249dashline, Intersectionality as the key to Indo-Pacific climate action, indo-pacific, climate action, ACCSAP, Q-CHAMP, differentiated vulnerabilities, differentiated capacities, discrimination, oppression, intersecting identities, minority rights, gender, indigenous rights, structural inequity, discriminatory practices, Gender Action Plan, UNFCCC, intra-gender disparities, ocean acidification, extreme weather, rising sea levels, freshwater scarcity, infrastructural vulnerabilities, systemic crisis, land ownership, resource distribution, decision-making power, natural resources, gender-segregated tasks, sustenance farming, water shortages, food shortages, domestic violence, gendered violence, LGBTQIA+, disabilities, vulnerable groups, marginalised communities, island nations, coastal inundation, saltwater intrusion, drought, desertification, climate resilience, Pacific Islands Forum, PIF, major emitters, emissions, Global North, climate finance, loss and damage, IORA, ASEAN Climate Resilience Network, agricultural adaptation, regional cooperation, multilateral cooperation, sustainability, gender inclusivity, CSW66, gender inclusion, SGBV, VAWG, GBV, DV, Quad HADR, invisibilisation, DRR, exclusionary patterns, indigenous communities, knowledge custodians, decision-making agency, sustainability solutions, gender responsiveness, Indonesia, RANAPI, Pacific Gender and Climate Change Toolkit

China’s uncertain future as a global security provider

Written by Lukas Fiala

The key question is whether Xi’s growing assertiveness and inadequacy of existing means to ensure the security of Chinese entities abroad will lead to a more pronounced security footprint over the coming decade, featuring new military base arrangements and, potentially, institutionalised security guarantees.

Faultlines9DLAugust 11, 2023China’s uncertain future as a global security provider, Lukas Fiala, 9DashLine, China, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Beijing, Global South, security, mediator, Riyadh, Tehran, Middle East, Washington, diplomacy, isolation, COVID-19, pandemic, United States, China’s overseas security strategy, strategy, foreign policy, Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping, mediation, peace and security, peace broker, non-state actors, intrastate conflicts, statist approach, Ukraine, Russia, Israel, Palestine, security and defence cooperation, Hu Jintao, United Nations peacekeeping (UNPK) missions, South Sudan, Mali, Africa, Latin America, multilateral, Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), military base in Djibouti, Global Security Initiative (GSI), security actor, US-led global security order, global security governance, UN Charter, indivisible security, sovereignty, 1975 Helsinki Accords, Vladimir Putin, NATO expansion, NATO, Russia’s war in Ukraine, Western imperialism, imperial history, Western colonial powers, century of national humiliation, Soviet Union, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Western hegemony, principle of non-interference, non-aligned movement, Cold War, non-intervention, 干涉, 干预, security provider, Sudan, Libya, ‘Go Out Strategy’ (走出去战略), Chinese state-owned enterprises, natural resources, raw materials, multilateral lenders, development finance, human rights, good governance, 2008 Beijing Olympics, al-Bashir regime, African Union, Darfur, Libyan civil war, People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA), Wolf Warrior Diplomacy, Chinese interests, power projection, security-development nexus, liberal peace, developmental peace, Ethiopia, civil war, Pakistan, South Asia, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Islamic extremism, Islamabad, sovereign lender, arbiter, Abiy Ahmed, Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Horn of Africa, Xue Bing, Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), Rapid Support Forces (RSF), Saudi-Iran rapprochement, Iraq, Afghanistan, global war on terror, piracy, Gulf of Aden, 9dashline

The Bougainville Autonomous Region: Balancing independence and foreign relations

Written by Dr Lucas Knotter

While it is tempting to view the relatively small island of Bougainville as merely drifting into the geopolitical whirlwinds of more powerful actors in the region, we should not forget that Bougainville also maintains considerable leverage in relation to these actors.

Pacific, Emerging Issues9DLJanuary 31, 20239dashline, Bougainville, Bougainville Autonomous Region, Lucas Knotter, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit, APEC, Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, FTAAP, Antony Blinken, Papua New Guinea, US, James Marape, China, Xi Jinping, Pacific islands, Pacific island states, trade partner, Friend to all; Enemy to None, PNG, China-US tensions, Autonomous Region of Bougainville, ARB, 2019 referendum, PNG-US-China geopolitics, sovereignty, 2001 Bougainville Peace Agreement, Ishmael Toroama, Era Kone Covenant, post-referendum agreements, Bougainville independence, international recognition, independence, Panguna copper mine, natural resources, anti-colonial struggles, Australia, mine workers, environmental destruction, Bougainville Civil War, Sam Kauona, Belt and Road Initiative, Solomon Islands, 2021 unrest, Beijing, Global Fragility Act, GFA, 2015 Bougainville Mining Act, Taipei, Sovereign Wealth Fund, Richard Marles, defence

Campaigns, criminalisation and concessions: Indigenous land rights in Cambodia

Written by Bunly Soeung

In Cambodia, the violation of the land rights of indigenous peoples who have lived for thousands of years in their ancestral forests continues unabated.

Editor's Picks9DLAugust 31, 20229DashLine, Campaigns, criminalisation, and concessions: indigenous land rights in Cambodia, Bunly Soeung, Cambodia, indigenous communities, indigenous peoples, indigenous rights, chuncheat, Khmer, North Cambodia, North Eastern Cambodia, Ratanakiri, Mondulkiri, Kratie, Stung Treng, Kampong Thom, Preah Vihear, forests, natural resources, agricultural production, slash-and-burn cultivation, forest resources, Khmer Rouge, civil war, abolished private land ownership, vietnam, UNTAC, timber extraction, agro-industrial plantation, Department of Ethnic Minorities Development, Ministry of Rural Development and Land Law, Land Management and Administration Project, Sub-Decree on Economic Land Concessions, UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Protected Area Law, National Policy on the Development of Indigenous Peoples, Sub-Decree No. 83, registration of land, private industrial agriculture companies, LICADHO, economic land concessions, ELCs, state land, industrial agriculture investment, rural communities, large-scale industrial agriculture, granted lands, human rights, hydropower construction, exploitative mining, illegal logging, deforestation, displacement, environmental pollution, ruling elite, concessions, China, Foreign Direct Investment, FDI, patron-client networks, political elites, patronage system, corruption, land policy reform, politico-commercial elites, high-ranking officials, Try Pheap, TTY, Chinese Guangdong Hengfu Group, Communal land registration, legal communal land titles, Ministry of Rural Development, Ministry of Interior, Chong, Koh Kong, Areng Valley, hydropower dam, Ministry of Environment, lèse-majesté, Chut Wutty, Ven Vorn, Mother Nature Cambodia, Casotim, Phnom Penh, BUNLY SOEUNG

Australia’s civil maritime security strategy may not be so 'civil'

Written by Edward Sing Yue Chan

Information sharing is even more difficult for states when it involves cooperating with non-state actors because they are cautious about the connections companies and individuals may have with other states.