Written by Benjamin Herscovitch
Without discounting the possible threats that nuclear-powered submarines are designed to head off, Australia’s immediate priority remains competition with China in numerous scenarios short of war.
Read MoreWritten by Benjamin Herscovitch
Without discounting the possible threats that nuclear-powered submarines are designed to head off, Australia’s immediate priority remains competition with China in numerous scenarios short of war.
Read MoreWritten by Susannah Patton
The President’s positive statement at least opens the door for US allies and partners to put forward their views on US regional economic engagement. The United States’ offer to host APEC in 2023 should give high-level impetus for the development of this economic framework.
Read MoreWritten by Stefania Benaglia
At the end of the day, since the two sides are building their strategic partnership on shared values, particularly multilateralism, these need to be promoted in the region. If the EU and India are true to their words, they must find a way to co-create a governance system for the region.
Read MoreWritten by Vuk Vuksanovic
Pakistan needs partners among great and regional powers concerned about the fate of Afghanistan. Russia, on the other hand, had to strengthen its diplomatic and market ties with non-Western countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America as a result of the Ukraine Crisis and worsening relations with the West.
Read MoreWritten by Bec Strating and Elizabeth Buchanan
Haphazard inclusion of the Southern Ocean and Antarctica to the Indo-Pacific construct will ultimately bolster Chinese efforts to undermine and erode the ‘rules-based order’ that all Indo-Pacific like-minded partners appear so committed to upholding.
Read MoreWritten by Jeremy Maxie
Given the shifting regional balance of power and the trajectory of China’s remarkable military and naval modernisation, the optimal strategy for Paris to secure and advance its particular regional interests is to more closely align with the US, thereby indirectly preventing Chinese hegemony in Asia.
Read MoreWritten by Martin Thorley
One can build a strong case in favour of creating AUKUS, but a wider strategy that doesn’t address the transnational challenges of corruption, illicit finance, and corporate complicity, risks reinforcing the castle walls as the throne at the centre rots.
Read MoreWritten by Jeffrey Wilson
There is nothing to fear in terms of RCEP becoming a vehicle for Chinese economic dominance of the Indo-Pacific. In fact, we should be more worried about the strategic implications of a RCEP failure than its success.
Read MoreWritten by Tuvia Gering
If, over the last decade, Israel sought to diversify its global focus away from the US and Europe toward China and India, it now must go a step further and strengthen its integration with Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and ASEAN countries, particularly by normalising relations with Indonesia
Read MoreWritten by Michael Shurkin
Spurning France the way they have with the AUKUS deal, Australia, the US, and the UK have shut out an ally eager to enhance its role in Indo-Pacific security and do so in a manner that almost entirely coincided with American and Australian interests.
Read MoreWritten by Antoine Bondaz
The possibility of renaming the Directorate of Asia and Oceania of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs, which includes the sub-directorates of South Asia, Southeast Asia and the Far East, to the Directorate of the Indo-Pacific should be considered.
Read MoreWritten by Satoru Nagao
The more China escalates the situation, the more Japan-US-Taiwan security cooperation will be institutionalised, making it more difficult for China to construct another “Great Wall” in the East China Sea.
Read MoreWritten by Moises de Souza and Dean Karalekas
The recent G7 decision to invest US$40 trillion in infrastructure projects to rival China’s BRI in developing countries is an excellent step in this direction as long as it includes a long-term commitment with the recipient nations, principally when dealing with those located within Southeast Asia’s geopolitical landscape.
Read MoreWritten by Hayley Channer and Ella Parker
Importantly, labelling additional members as ‘plus’ countries automatically relegates them to a lower status than full-membership countries, creating the impression that they are add-ons rather than equal partners.
Read MoreWritten by Kyoko Hatakeyama
A more active and sustained defence partnership between Tokyo and Canberra could serve to supplement Washington’s commitments and military burdens across the Indo-Pacific region.
Read MoreWritten by Zachary Paikin
A trade-dependent country such as Canada would not necessarily benefit from the seemingly growing appetite for zero-sum competition in both Washington and Beijing. A tougher approach towards China also risks increasing Canada’s dependence on the US, even as the latter demonstrates a growing penchant for unilateralism and unpredictability.
Written by Olli Pekka Suorsa
Unlike the Royal Navy’s much larger destroyers, the OPVs can offer more opportunities for regional engagement, including participation in multinational training and exercises, capacity building activities, and showing flag. After all, ‘showing up’ is the ‘hot currency’ in Southeast Asia.
Read MoreWritten by Husanjot Chahal
The significance of tech improvements in logistics cannot be overemphasised for India — a country that faces key logistical constraints across its major battlegrounds and fears logistical vulnerabilities in handling a potential two-fronted war against China and Pakistan.
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