Indo-Pacific strategy — 9DASHLINE

The EU’s Global Gateway Initiative: Infrastructure cooperation with Southeast Asia

Written by Dr Alfred Gerstl and Nick Nieschalke

The investment in the Global Gateway Initiative (GGI) indicates the EU’s stronger global focus on infrastructure and connectivity partnerships within a dedicated scheme.

Europe and the Indo-Pacific, In Focus9DLMarch 26, 20249dashline, The EU’s Global Gateway Initiative: Infrastructure cooperation with Southeast Asia, Dr Alfred Gerstl, Nick Nieschalke, EU, European Union, Indo-Pacific strategy, EU Global Gateway Initiative, Global Gateway Initiative, GGI, Indo-Pacific, Africa, Global South, geostrategic challenges, geo-economic challenges, EU institutions, EU member states, China, BRI, private sector, EU funds, Europe-Asia connectivity programme, infrastructure, connectivity partnerships, Brussels, Southeast Asia, alternative models of governance, economic benefits, values-based foreign policy, rules-based order, ASEAN, US, investment, de-risking, green transition, supply chains, energy supply, environment, health, education and research, energy, digital connectivity, UN SDG, sustainability, cooperation, Bac Ai hydropower plant, Vietnam, energy imports, net zero carbon emissions, electricity, hydropower, Hanoi, Beijing, environmental damages, lighthouse project, Philippines, Copernicus, natural disasters, climate change, Manila, soft power tool, geopolitical ambitions, security actor

Portugal needs a clear strategy for the Indo-Pacific

Written by Rita Durão

Consolidating a strategy towards the Indo-Pacific would not only signify Portugal's commitment towards enhancing its global presence through a multilateral approach but also present opportunities for fostering economic growth, strengthening diplomatic ties, and promoting regional stability.

Europe and the Indo-Pacific9DLMarch 7, 2024Portugal needs a clear strategy for the Indo-Pacific, 9DashLine, Rita Durão, Portugal, Indo-Pacific, European Union, Atlantic front, NATO, United States, Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), snap elections, Socialist Party (PS), Democratic Alliance (AD), Communist Party (PCP), Unitary Democratic Coalition (CDU), China, India, non-alignment, blocs, Liberal Initiative (IL), Risk Reduction Strategy, People Animals Nature (PAN), Portuguese-speaking countries, human rights, multilateral, rules-based order, 16th EU-India summit, Porto, 2021 Portuguese Presidency of the Council of the European Union, Macau, Belt and Road Initiative, soft distancing, 5G, Portugal's 5G network, like-minded partners, Japan, South Korea, Prime Minister António Costa, EU-ASEAN summit, Dialogue on Asia, 2024 Diplomatic Seminar, Lisbon, Singapore, G20, observer, Timor-Leste, Timor-Leste's accession to ASEAN, Vietnam, ASEAN, Shangri-La Dialogue, maritime empire, colonialism, Macao, East Timor, Sines Port, Azores, blue economy, EDP Renewables, Indonesia, Indo-Pacific strategy

Italy and the Indo-Pacific: towards an Italian Indo-Pacific strategy

Written by Dr Gabriele Abbondanza

All things considered, it seems evident that Italy is ready to develop and issue a formal Indo-Pacific strategy that considers national, European, and Indo-Pacific interests as vital components of a strategic whole.

Europe and the Indo-Pacific9DLDecember 6, 20239dashline, Italy and the Indo-Pacific: towards an Italian Indo-Pacific strategy, Gabriele Abbondanza, Indo-Pacific, Italy, flashpoints, Taiwan, East China Seas, South China Seas, Korean Peninsula, choke points, global maritime trade, Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, Strait of Hormuz, Strait of Malacca, macro-region, US, Indo-Pacific nations, Europe, IPSR, International Political Science Review, European foreign policy, France, UK, Germany, EU, European Union, Indo-Pacific strategy, Indo-Pacific committee, Italian parliament, naval deployments, Rome, Enlarged Mediterranean, Mediterraneo Allargato, United Nations, Carabiniere frigate, European missions, NATO missions, Indian Ocean, Indo-Pacific mission, Morosini offshore patrol vessel, offshore patrol vessels, South China Sea, multilateral exercises, Cavour carrier strike group, international law, multilateralism, strategic partnerships, China, beijing, international order, Pacific Island Forum, PIF, Vietnam, South Korea, Indian Ocean Rim Association, IORA, ASEAN, Italian-Indian-Japanese trilateral, Japan, Global Combat Air Programme, Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative, multilateral approach, strategic compass, political affiliation, foreign policy priorities, Chamber of Deputies, parliamentary committee, risk-benefit analysis

Balancing on fumes: What drives France in the Indo-Pacific

Written by Dylan Motin

France’s Indo-Pacific strategy mainly arises from the fear of China. Despite French official discourse, it is clearly on the American side of the containment fence and will remain there for the foreseeable future.

More of the same is not the answer to building influence in the Pacific

Written by Meg Taylor DBE and Soli Middleby

While all nations share an interest in promoting a peaceful, safe, and prosperous region, the independent Pacific states do not necessarily share the same geostrategic perspectives as the large powerful economies of the industrialised West.

Pacific9DLOctober 21, 20229DashLine, More of the same is not the answer to build influence in the Pacific, Meg Taylor, Soli Middleby, Pacific, New Zealand, Australia, Pacific interests, geostrategic perspectives, independent Pacific states, West, industrialised West, climate change, non-renewable energy sources, exploration permits, climate adaptation finance, Pacific Resilience Facility, Green Climate Fund, China, sovereignty, Chinese investments, AUKUS, Indo-Pacific strategy, Partners in the Blue Pacific, Indopacific priorities, foreign aid, Western aid paradigm, Chinese-built infrastructure, Asian Development Bank, Papua New Guinea, Japan, United States, India, aid projects, geopolitical competition, Pacific Islands Forum, regional processes, Pacific priorities, Western aid, Chinese aid, aid intermediaries, international organisations, international financial institutions, multinational companies, independent aid agency, Chinese financiers

In Brief: David McAllister MEP

Europe and the Indo-Pacific face increasingly similar challenges in a number of security related areas, such as cyber security, terrorism, organised crime, nuclear security, and non-proliferation. It makes sense to work together more.

In Brief9DLOctober 17, 2022In Brief, 9DashLine, In Brief: David McAllister MEP, Tereza Novotna, European Parliament, European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, Committee on Foreign Affairs, David McAllister, David McAllister MEP, EPP, European People's Party, Germany, Korea, Indo-Pacific, European Union, Russia, Ukraine, Russian aggression, energy crisis, climate change, COVID-19, geostrategic, France, member states, EU Member States, oversea territories, Taiwan Strait, geopolitical, geopolitical competition, Japan, Republic of Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Russian war, sanctions, Moscow, cyber security, terrorism, organised crime, nuclear security, Non-proliferation, Indo-Pacific strategy, like-minded partners, ASEAN, European Council, Council of the European Union, Coordinated Maritime Presences, North-Western Indian Ocean, Maritime Area of Interest, Indian Ocean, naval exercises, Djibouti, India, Global Gateway, Europe’s Global Gateway, Global Gateway initiative, Brussels, Taipei, EU-Taiwan dialogue, European Army, Strategic Compass, Rapid Deployment Force, IN BRIEF: DAVID MCALLISTER MEP

The EU’s self-perceived role in the Indo-Pacific — still a normative power?

Written by Phuong Mai Tran

Obviously, the EU must prioritise Europe’s defence. The important question here is whether its Indo-Pacific strategy would be affected as a result.

Pacific9DLSeptember 8, 20229DashLine, The EU’s self-perceived role in the Indo-Pacific — still a normative power?, Phuong Mai Tran, EU, European Union, Indo-Pacific, normative power, Indo-Pacific strategy, Brussels, geopolitical, France, Germany, The Netherlands, European Commission, EU High Representative, joint communication, military, Ursula von der Leyen, von der Leyen, Vice-President Borrell, Borrell, Josep Borrell, President von der Leyen, proactive cooperative power, strategic autonomy, democracy, rule of law, human rights, Human RIghts, sustainable development, Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP, partnership, multi-dimensional, cooperative power, polarisation, ASEAN, minilateral, minilateralism, US, Japan, UK, Australia, India, China, Multilateralism, Global Gateway, trade, cyberattacks, like-minded partners, Indian Ocean, Russia, Ukraine, PHUONG MAI TRAN

The US should prioritise the Indo-Pacific over Ukraine, but the clash of interests should not be overstated

Written by Áine Cooke

The US must ensure that it remains competitive by enhancing its military capabilities to deter an invasion of Taiwan, as well as by extending its diplomatic reach to counter China’s extensive regional engagement, and by formulating a comprehensive economic and climate policy.

NATO and the ‘Asia-Pacific Four’: Renewed purpose for cooperation

Written by Alexandra Sakaki

NATO has not only increased its attention to Asian security dynamics and challenges over the past years, but it has also sought to strengthen relations with the AP4 countries.

Is South Korea’s new Indo-Pacific strategy finally forthcoming?

Written by Wongi Choe

In contrast to the previous Moon Jae-in administration of the Republic of Korea (ROK), the new Yoon Suk-yeol government is highly likely to take on a new broader regional strategy with a comprehensive Indo-Pacific framework at its core.

EU-Taiwan ties: Between expectations and reality

Written by Grzegorz Stec and Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy

European and Taiwanese actors need to keep in mind that escalating the political tensions with Beijing increases the price tag of EU-Taiwan engagement potentially impeding the positive momentum in bilateral ties.

Canada’s partial Pacific pivot

Written by Zachary Paikin

A trade-dependent country such as Canada would not necessarily benefit from the seemingly growing appetite for zero-sum competition in both Washington and Beijing. A tougher approach towards China also risks increasing Canada’s dependence on the US, even as the latter demonstrates a growing penchant for unilateralism and unpredictability.