Chris Ogden is a Senior Lecturer/Associate Professor in Asian Security at the University of St Andrews. His book China and India: Asia's Emergent Great Powers was published in April 2017.
Manila must resume its original policy of standing by international law, reinforce its alliance with the US and strategic partnerships with middle powers like Japan and Australia, and deepen friendships with other external parties such as the UK and the EU.
Building resilient communities is essential, as COVID sits among climate change, political instability, regional forced migration and other crises that will continue to challenge the region. Women and girls will be at the forefront of addressing all of these crises.
While some argue that universal jurisdiction is a flawed method of accountability, it remains an indisputably concrete tool to apply pressure on the Kim regime and bring further attention to the heinous crimes committed against the North Korean people.
The E3 could continue to deepen interoperability in flexible small groups including Japan, India, Australia and South Korea on security issues of mutual concern, including cyber defence and maritime domain awareness. Japan has developed strong security ties with France and the UK.
For the foreseeable future, small powers in Southeast Asia will cling to their independent foreign policies and seek to diversify their foreign relations in an attempt to find a balance that allows them more options and to avoid choosing sides in the brewing superpower rivalry.
The US and its allies need to provide an alternative economic narrative as merely criticising Beijing is not enough. Thus far the Biden administration has made the right noises by calling for a collaborative approach on economic issues. Nevertheless, it needs to strike a careful balance and can not ignore domestic political pressures.
Foreign aid diplomacy has shaped China’s international economic profile, transforming its image from a developing economy to an economic powerhouse at the centre of global supply chains, thus making it a critical financier of development projects in the global south.
All these signs point to a dark reality — the peace process as we knew it has collapsed and national reconciliation is no more a viable prospect. Needless to say, this forebodes a fresh spurt of armed conflict around the country. The situation, of course, could abruptly change if somehow the coup fails and a civilian government comes to power. At the heart of this unravelling is a historical lack of trust between the Tatmadaw and Myanmar’s many ethnic minorities.
Whereas China approaches its affairs with India as asymmetric and non-zero-sum, India sees itself involved in a zero-sum interaction between two equally powerful countries in South Asia. India’s perception of China is that Beijing is taking the central position in its direct neighbourhood and increasingly in the IOR, while China perceives New Delhi as a major geopolitical factor with considerable naval capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region.
Greater buy-in among European countries will help broaden the Indo-Pacific concept and the Netherlands would therefore join those voices in Brussels already pushing the EU towards working more closely with 'like-minded' partners in the region in seeking to promote both peace and prosperity.
For Japan, drawing Britain, a global power, into the region provides an additional layer of security above and beyond that provided by the United States. Although the UK may not be the superpower it once was, the Royal Navy still has assets that only the US Navy can match.
It also demonstrates its agency will not be constrained by the alliance system of the United States’ or by close economic relations with China. Since Southeast Asian states routinely indicate they have no interest in choosing sides, a ‘hedging’ preference will continue to make Russia an attractive third partner.
We are delighted to welcome Hunter Marston as our new Australia Associate.
As part of our growing network of associates, Hunter’s arrival represents the next step in our ambition to connect Europe and the Indo-Pacific while simultaneously promoting the next generation of leading thinkers.
The Indian government’s attitude towards the protesting farmers betrays its illiberal instincts. The legislations were passed based on a voice vote rather than an appropriate parliamentary procedure. Since November, over 30 farmers unions have mobilised their members to sit-in peacefully at protest sites on Delhi’s borders.
India should aid Vietnam in further developing infrastructure in the deep-water Cam Ranh Bay port (Hanoi has reportedly asked New Delhi for such assistance) and, having established a network of military facilities overseas and drastically modernised its naval assets, India is certainly in a position to lend its support.
In March we invite articles that seek to explore issues relating to theSouthPacific and its importance for the region in the months and years ahead. In addition to articles focused on specific issues such as recent developments in the Pacific Islands Forum, we also welcome features that examine issues such as climate change, trade, resources, governance, technology, sports diplomacy and great power competition.
Demarcation of the Line of Actual Control and hence the border in the western sector will not be easy but both sides should be willing to make some adjustments because the larger strategic gains accrued exceed, by a big margin, minor territorial losses. While a package deal may not be on the table or even on the mental radars of the leadership in each country, it should be, as it is the only thing that makes sense for everyone.