Foreign aid diplomacy has shaped China’s international economic profile, transforming its image from a developing economy to an economic powerhouse at the centre of global supply chains, thus making it a critical financier of development projects in the global south.
All these signs point to a dark reality — the peace process as we knew it has collapsed and national reconciliation is no more a viable prospect. Needless to say, this forebodes a fresh spurt of armed conflict around the country. The situation, of course, could abruptly change if somehow the coup fails and a civilian government comes to power. At the heart of this unravelling is a historical lack of trust between the Tatmadaw and Myanmar’s many ethnic minorities.
Whereas China approaches its affairs with India as asymmetric and non-zero-sum, India sees itself involved in a zero-sum interaction between two equally powerful countries in South Asia. India’s perception of China is that Beijing is taking the central position in its direct neighbourhood and increasingly in the IOR, while China perceives New Delhi as a major geopolitical factor with considerable naval capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region.
Greater buy-in among European countries will help broaden the Indo-Pacific concept and the Netherlands would therefore join those voices in Brussels already pushing the EU towards working more closely with 'like-minded' partners in the region in seeking to promote both peace and prosperity.
For Japan, drawing Britain, a global power, into the region provides an additional layer of security above and beyond that provided by the United States. Although the UK may not be the superpower it once was, the Royal Navy still has assets that only the US Navy can match.
It also demonstrates its agency will not be constrained by the alliance system of the United States’ or by close economic relations with China. Since Southeast Asian states routinely indicate they have no interest in choosing sides, a ‘hedging’ preference will continue to make Russia an attractive third partner.
We are delighted to welcome Hunter Marston as our new Australia Associate.
As part of our growing network of associates, Hunter’s arrival represents the next step in our ambition to connect Europe and the Indo-Pacific while simultaneously promoting the next generation of leading thinkers.
The Indian government’s attitude towards the protesting farmers betrays its illiberal instincts. The legislations were passed based on a voice vote rather than an appropriate parliamentary procedure. Since November, over 30 farmers unions have mobilised their members to sit-in peacefully at protest sites on Delhi’s borders.
India should aid Vietnam in further developing infrastructure in the deep-water Cam Ranh Bay port (Hanoi has reportedly asked New Delhi for such assistance) and, having established a network of military facilities overseas and drastically modernised its naval assets, India is certainly in a position to lend its support.
In March we invite articles that seek to explore issues relating to theSouthPacific and its importance for the region in the months and years ahead. In addition to articles focused on specific issues such as recent developments in the Pacific Islands Forum, we also welcome features that examine issues such as climate change, trade, resources, governance, technology, sports diplomacy and great power competition.
Demarcation of the Line of Actual Control and hence the border in the western sector will not be easy but both sides should be willing to make some adjustments because the larger strategic gains accrued exceed, by a big margin, minor territorial losses. While a package deal may not be on the table or even on the mental radars of the leadership in each country, it should be, as it is the only thing that makes sense for everyone.
Seoul should use its high technology capabilities (in green and digital initiatives) to promote worldwide sustainable development, therefore, the Korean New Deal and the adaptation of eco-diplomacy must become an essential pillar of South Korea’s future foreign policy.
Although the NC has denounced Oil’s move for snap elections as unconstitutional, it has also stated that is will not shy away from elections if the Supreme Court decides to dissolve the lower house. Sensing increasing instability, several royalist parties and groups have accused the government of corruption and protested on the streets for the reinstatement of the Hindu state and constitutional monarchy (to reinvent and stabilise Nepal’s image and identity).
When one looks at Sino-EU relations from New Delhi, it seems that the EU is not so critical of Chinese policy. The EU wants to do business with China and Brussels is not very keen to push back on Beijing's aggressive behaviour or criticise its conduct toward smaller countries in the Indo-Pacific. The CAI, which replaces 16 existing economic agreements with Beijing with a single major agreement is perhaps indicative of this.
Owing to a focus on continental South Asia, Indonesia has long remained a neglected entity in India’s regional foreign policy. However, as the geopolitical realities of the Indo-Pacific region continue to change in the face of a rising and assertive China, India and Indonesia are looking to coordinate their security policies and increase trade.
However, if the EU truly wishes to make its Eastern members commit to a common strategy, its Western members will also have to give up on their jealously guarded ‘special relationships’ with China. A strategy devised between Paris and Berlin alone might be more ambitious, but it would do little good if it left half of the Union out in the cold.
Amid a destabilising security environment, China has limited opportunities to provide a different model for the region and the growing involvement of European powers in the Indo-Pacific will only further complicate these plans. To date, the United Kingdom has said that they will hold naval drills with Japan; France has committed to play a growing role in the Indo-Pacific and expanded cooperation with India, and Germany has formally adopted an Indo-Pacific strategy.
The repression has escalated since 2017 and includes the forced labour and ‘re-education’ of 11 million Uyghurs residing in Xinjiang. However, more disturbing are the reports of the mass sterilisation of Uyghur women that, along with corresponding birth statistics, show that China is undertaking demographic repression of the Uyghur minority.