humanitarian aid — 9DASHLINE

US-China in 2024: One year after the spy balloon incident

Written by Rorry Daniels

While breakthroughs remain unlikely, the test in 2024 is whether the US and China can manage differences quietly and directly while under the political magnifying glass.

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NATO’s future in the Indo-Pacific: Tilt or jilt?

Written by Mathieu Droin

The limitations of what NATO can offer or execute in the Indo-Pacific raise the question of whether there may be other more appropriate frameworks to publicly tackle shared security challenges between the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific.

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COP 27: India could be the key to deadlocked debates on loss and damage due to climate change

Written by Miriam Prys-Hansen and Jan Phillip Ronde

Progress on the issue of loss and damage could benefit from clear engagement by the ‘in-between powers’ in the Global South, such as India, who may be in a position to exert a decisive influence on the outcomes of the COP27 talks.

Editor's Picks9DLNovember 16, 20229DashLine, COP 27: India could be the key to deadlocked debates on loss and damage due to climate change, Miriam Prys-Hansen, Jan Phillip Ronde, Warsaw Mechanism for Loss and Damage, Modi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India, Denmark, climate change, loss and damage, Global North, COP27, Egypt, Global South, developing countries, developed countries, L&D, industrialised countries, COP19, transnational dialogue, transnational cooperation, climate reparations, Green Climate Fund, disaster risk reduction funds, humanitarian aid, Glasgow Dialogue on Loss and Damage, Bonn Climate Change Conference, LDCs, Germany, United States, Jennifer Morgen, Maisa Rojas, G7, V20, environmental emergencies, heat waves, tropical storms, devastating floods, Pakistan, Europe, Cyclone Batsirai, national energy self-sufficiency, energy self-sufficiency, Sharm El-Sheikh, United Nations General Assembly, UN General Assembly (UNGA), G20, G20 Environmental and Climate Ministers’ Meeting, UN climate targets, Infrastructure, L&D financial facility, International Solar Alliance, green transitions, Champions of the Earth Award

Alignment without alliance: China’s growing ambivalence to Putin’s war

Written by Lunting Wu and Kamil Matusiewicz

Functional, strategic and normative factors have shaped Beijing’s growing ambivalence towards the war, and despite the absence of outright condemnation, a subtle shift and distancing can be discerned.

Faultlines9DLNovember 4, 20229DashLine, Lunting Wu, Kamil Matusiewicz, Alignment without alliance: China’s growing ambivalence to Putin’s war, China, Russia, Vladimir Putin, Xi Jingping, Xi Jinping, SCO, SCO Summit, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), Samarkand, Ukraine, Ukraine war, military, Moscow, Beijing, Russia's aggression, cooperation, economic partners, Russian oil, gas, and coal, Saudi Arabia, trade, decoupling, US, NATO, security, Taiwan, AUKUS, Quad, Li Zhanshu, Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, State Duma, NATO allies, liberal hegemony, Liberal International Order, liberal internationalism, Orange Revolution, colour revolutions, 20th Chinese Communist Party Congress, Yang Jiechi, Foreign Affairs Commission, US hegemony, Western powers, liberal democracy, US interests, Western sanctions, Sinopec, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), New Development Bank (NDB), Huawei, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Arctic LNG 2 project, EU sanctions, Xiaomi Corp., Lenovo Group Ltd., Power of Siberia 2, zero-covid, secondary sanctions, food security, food insecurity, China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Wang Yi, Kremlin, social media, Ukraine's counter-offensives, Weibo, Central Asian states, Belt and Road Initiative, humanitarian aid, Central and Eastern European countries, 17+1, People’s Liberation Army, indivisible security, Global Security Initiative, Cold War, sovereignty, Nuclear weapons, autonomous regions