No room for missteps: Cambodia’s strategic wishlist For Trump 2.0

Written by Chhay Lim

Policies that force Cambodia into a binary choice risk deepening its reliance on China and undermining US efforts to maintain influence in Southeast Asia.

Southeast Asia9DLFebruary 6, 20259DASHLINE, Chhay Lim, No Room for Missteps: Cambodia’s Strategic Wishlist For Trump 2.0, Donald Trump, White House, Cambodia, Strategic wishlist, Cambodia's strategic wishlist, Trump 2.0, Phnom Penh, Phnom Penh’s close alignment with Beijing on foreign policy, Prime Minister Hun Manet, Trump administration, proxy for Beijing, United States, Southeast Asia, infrastructure development, digital transformation, trade diversification, maritime capacity, economic positioning, Vietnam, The Philippines, US-China competition, Hedging, strategic hedging, Prioritising Pragmatic Cooperation Over Ideology, prioritise economic and development cooperation, maritime security, 90-day suspension of USAID, USAID, liberal democratic values, transactional, Western assistance, Digital innovation, Public health, civic engagement, overdependence, hub for technology, digital entrepreneurship, Greater Mekong subregion, digital divide, inadequate infrastructure, cybersecurity, public-private partnerships, digital literacy, Washington, great power competitio, digital sovereignty, data sovereignty, data security, economic autonomy, Ream Naval Base, Maritime Self-Defence Force, Japan, Gulf of Thailand, military exchanges, Cambodian policymakers, security engagements, security ties with Japan, binary choice, US-Cambodia relations, Democracy, human rights, democracy promotion, Cambodian Foreign Ministry, Cambodia Democracy and Human Rights Act, US Congress, Marco Rubio, Secretary of State, mutual respect and understanding, cooperation, Cambodia-China relations, Cambodian People’s Party, Communist Party of Vietnam, national interest, Moscow, China-Vietnam, balance relations with Beijing, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, balanced relations with Beijing, great power rivalry, elephants fight or make love, smaller states, US-Vietnam trade, China-Vietnam trade, Thailand, China, Cambodia’s reliance on China, political legitimacy, security assurances, Chinese Communist Party, ideological pressure, regime change, strategic ambiguity, transparency, No room for missteps: Cambodia’s strategic wishlist For Trump 2.0

Australia-China relations: Where to now?

Written by Elena Collinson

After seven years marked by bullying and heavy-handed tactics by Beijing, episodes of diplomatic inelegance by Canberra, and the asperity of mutual criticism, Australia-China relations have tentatively shifted to a more normalised state.

Pacific9DLJanuary 30, 20232023: Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia — foreign policies between hegemons, 9dashline, Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, New Zealand, China, United States, Australian elections, parliamentary elections, foreign and defence policies, geopolitics, NICHOLAS ROSS SMITH, Jacinda Ardern, trading partner, security relationship, middle-ground position, Wang Yi, NZ Labour Party, Wellington, National party, Christopher Luxon, putative Indo-Pacific ‘hedging’ strategy, MELISSA CONLEY TYLER, import restrictions, Prime Minister Albanese, President Xi, G20 Summit, China’s economic coercion, climate change policies, clean energy, Pacific Island countries, 2026 UN Conference of the Parties, JASON YOUNG, supply chain resilience, social cohesion, economic resilience, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, Japan, United Kingdom, Partners in the Blue Pacific, President Biden, APEC Summit, China’s Covid restrictions, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, China’s activities in the South China Sea, liberal-democratic Western bloc, Moscow, Beijing, geopolitical shatterbelt, Taiwan, Canberra, Tokyo, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Nanaia Mahuta, Free Trade Agreements (FTA), European Union, trade diversification, anti-nuclear advocacy