Article 9 — 9DASHLINE

Clashes in the South China Sea, looking back at the PCA Ruling

Written by Varenya Singh and Chetan Rana

China's persistent rejection of the tribunal's jurisdiction and ruling, along with its continuous assertion of sovereignty, underscores the limitations of international legal mechanisms in addressing deep-rooted geopolitical disputes.

Pacific, Power Politics9DLMarch 11, 20249DASHLINE, Clashes in the South China Sea, looking back at the PCA Ruling, Chetan Rana, Varenya Singh, South China Sea, Cold War, Europe, West Asia, Ukraine, Gaza, China, Philippines, South China Sea (SCS), SCS, China’s Ministry of Natural Resources, map, standard map, Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), littoral states, Malaysia, Vietnam, Philippines Coast Guard, Sierra Madre, Second Thomas Shoal, Spratly Islands, Filipino, grey-zone activities, non-military vessels, territorial claims, maritime militia, Beijing, Manila, vessels, maritime territorial disputes, arbitral proceedings, arbitration, Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), PCA, PCA award of 2016, PCA ruling, China’s nine-dash line, nine-dash line, Annex VII, Arbitration Tribunal under Annex VII of UNCLOS, UNCLOS, United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, sovereignty, delimitation, artificially built islands, delimitation of state boundaries, Article 9, unilateral, fishermen, marine resources, fishing, 12 nautical mile, extractive, purely extractive activity, self-dependent economic activity, maritime fishing zones, coral reefs, turtle, clam, international law, dispute, ASEAN, Code of Conduct (CoC), COC, Indonesia, Laos, Cambodia, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., non-claimant states, Australia, Japan, United States, us, USA, militarising, military exercises, sea lanes, environmental crisis, securitisation, marine diversity, sustainability, realpolitik, Israel-Hamas conflict

Tokyo does not need constitutional reform to bolster defence

Written by Adrienne Wu and Melynn Oliver

Those who argue for a formal remilitarisation of Japan should consider why they advocate such a move. Amending Japan’s constitution has proven unnecessary to expand the SDF, therefore the only major benefit is to assay the fears of the Japanese public and expand its international role.

East Asia9DLMay 5, 20239DashLine, Tokyo does not need constitutional reform to bolster defence, Adrienne Wu, Melynn Oliver, Japan, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, defence budget, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Tokyo, Japan's security, defence capabilities, Article 9 framework, Article 9, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, constitutional reform, US, Indo-Pacific, Japan’s pacifist constitution, pacifism, US forces, World War II, Korean War, Washington, Japan’s Supreme Court, right to self-defence, sovereignty, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, remilitarisation of Japan, Defense Agency, defence-related exports, collective defence, National Security Council, National Security Strategy (NSS), House of Representatives, Public support, Russia’s nuclear threats, Russia, China, anti-nuclear stance, Japan’s security role, tax hikes, National Defense Strategy (NDS), Defense Build-up Program (DBP), heightened alert posture, global power shifts, strategic challenge, North Korea, counter-strike capabilities, defence procurement and industrial development strategy, strategic clarity, strategic ambiguity, Taiwan, US-Japan Alliance, Quad, NATO

An enduring crisis: Assessing the state of Japan’s North Korea policy

Written by Sebastian Maslow

With the US pushing its agenda of ‘integrated deterrence’ in Asia and North Korea testing new missiles, pressure on Japan to obtain capabilities to strike enemy bases will likely gain further momentum.