Germany gets on-board with the Indo-Pacific
Germany gets on board with
the Indo-Pacific
WRITTEN BY GARIMA MOHAN
11 September 2020
Last week the German government adopted new policy guidelines on the Indo-Pacific, making Germany only the second European country after France to have a blueprint for engagement with the region. This marks a remarkable shift. Till about a year ago, there was considerable reluctance in German policy circles to even use the term, largely because of China’s misgivings. The first signs of change were visible at the end of last year when the German Defense Minister signalled a shift in security approach by highlighting concerns over Chinese claims to power in the region, and arguing that Germany should show solidarity with partners in the Indo-Pacific. Since then, the debate on the Indo-Pacific and how best to engage with the region has been gaining traction in several European countries as well as Brussels.
The German Leitlinien (policy guidelines) is a 40-pages long comprehensive document that explains how Germany views the region and delineates its priorities for engagement. The document is important for three reasons. First, it recognises the importance of the Indo-Pacific as a strategic region, which will be “key to shaping the international order in the 21st century”. It notes that while different countries use different geographical contours to define the region, Germany defines the Indo-Pacific as the entire area characterised by the interconnected Indian and Pacific Oceans. Second, it recognises that security dynamics in the region will have a direct impact on European security and prosperity, not least since Europe and the Indo-Pacific are “closely connected through global supply chains”.
The real significance of these guidelines lies in the signal they send — to China, to partners in the region, and to other European countries. Timing is significant — coinciding with Germany’s EU Council presidency, releasing this document suggests Germany will make a real push, along with France and other Member States, towards an EU-wide approach to the Indo-Pacific.
More than 20 per cent of German exports go to the region, which is also the second-largest export destination for many European economies. The EU is also the largest trade and investment partner for many countries in the region. Since this relationship is only set to grow, “shifting geopolitical structures in the Indo-Pacific will have a direct impact on Germany”. Third, unlike France, which sees itself as a resident power in the region, the German focus seems to be more on working with Indo-Pacific partners and aligning priorities and approaches in the face of common challenges.
Translating guidelines into practice
A key theme in Germany’s approach is diversification — of partnerships, avenues of engagement, and supply chains. Germany seeks to strengthen ties with different players in the region but will focus primarily on democracies and partners with shared values. For example, the document notes that India will be a key economic and strategic player in the region in the coming years. It also argues for scaling up cooperation with Japan, Australia, New Zealand and South Korea. While political engagement is highlighted, the primary focus of Germany’s Indo-Pacific approach remains on trade, investment and economic security.
The document also identifies several measures to promote Germany’s broader foreign policy goal of strengthening multilateralism. Specifically, the strategy focuses on strengthening ties with ASEAN and supporting the ASEAN-led regional architecture and aims to increase cooperation with several regional institutions such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), Pacific Islands Forum, and interestingly even BIMSTEC. The document outlines concrete action points — increasing German and European investment in infrastructure connectivity in the region, referring to the EU’s Euro-Asia connectivity strategy that aims to provide an alternative to BRI investments, particularly in digital and key technologies. Given the importance of maritime security, Germany plans to increase its maritime presence in the region through burden-sharing in the Indian Ocean rather than the South China Sea. More interestingly, this document talks about the need to counter disinformation by authoritarian actors in the region, reflecting the debate in Europe in the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic.
Germany’s approach to the Indo-Pacific remains “inclusive”, opening the possibility of working with actors following international norms and rules. For example, the document mentions the possibility of working with China on climate change-related challenges, in-line with its existing Asia policy. At the same time, it makes clear that Germany’s goal is to avoid “unilateral dependencies on any one power” and ensure that the region is based on “international rules and cooperation, not on the law of the strong”. In a bid to avoid getting caught in the US-China competition, the document also clarifies that Germany does not consider containment or decoupling strategies to be conducive. This makes the German approach more in line with others like France, Japan, India and Australia seeking to “balance” China’s rise through issue-based coalitions with like-minded partners.
Significance of Germany’s Indo-Pacific turn
Overall, the Indo-Pacific guidelines seem to give Germany’s existing Asia policy a new direction — specifically a push to diversify relationships in the region beyond China. However, it is important to note these guidelines are only meant to give direction to various ministries; implementation will be a long-term challenge. Many of the projects and initiatives mentioned in these guidelines already exist, but officials insist this opens-up a window of opportunity to do much more with India, Japan, Australia, ASEAN and others.
The real significance of these guidelines lies in the signal they send — to China, to partners in the region, and to other European countries. Timing is significant — coinciding with Germany’s EU Council presidency, releasing this document suggests Germany will make a real push, along with France and other Member States, towards an EU-wide approach to the Indo-Pacific. The wider context of the release just after Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Europe, at a time when European discontent with China is at an all-time high, is also important. Dissatisfaction with a lack of reciprocity in the economic relationship has been increasing, along with growing concerns about Hong Kong and Xinjiang, and a general recognition of China’s assertive foreign policy.
China’s broadening global ambitions mean that many challenges faced by countries like Australia, New Zealand, India, and Japan are now at Europe’s shores. On questions such as 5G technologies, the role of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), spread of disinformation, threats of economic retaliation, influence in international organisations, and the political and economic impact of BRI projects — Europe has much more common ground with partners in the Indo-Pacific than ever before. This strategy provides an opportunity to work closely with other middle powers and create issue-based coalitions with Indo-Pacific partners. How Germany will exploit these opportunities remains to be seen.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of the 9DASHLINE.com platform.
Author biography
Dr. Garima Mohan is a Fellow with the German Marshall Fund of the United States where she leads the work on India and research on the Indo-Pacific. Image Credit: CC Flickr/Jürgen Stemper