In Brief with Mu Sochua, President of the Khmer Movement for Democracy
In Brief: Mu Sochua, President of the Khmer Movement for Democracy
5 MAY 2025
This week, 9DASHLINE had the privilege of speaking with Mu Sochua, a former Cambodian politician, Nobel Peace Prize nominee, and President of the Khmer Movement for Democracy.
Drawing on her decades of experience in Cambodia’s pro-democracy movement, we discussed the country’s democratic decline, the growing influence of China, and the crucial role the international community — and Cambodia’s youth — must play in shaping a freer future.
9DL: Having gone into exile twice — first as a refugee and later as a political leader — how do you compare Cambodia today to the country you returned to in 1989 and the one you fled again in 2017? Given your long experience in Cambodia’s pro-democracy movement, do you see any meaningful shifts in the political landscape, international responses, or the resilience of those fighting for democratic change?
MS: When I returned to Cambodia in 1989, the country was in the process of rebuilding itself. After years of war and devastation, there was an opportunity to shape our nation's future with significant support from the international community. This support culminated in the Paris Peace Agreements of 1991, which paved the way for a democratic framework, a robust civil society, and the protection of fundamental rights. For a time, there was a strong sense of hope and optimism in Cambodia, and our country thrived.
But by 2017, this began to unravel. The government of Hun Sen moved swiftly to dismantle opposition forces, stifle dissent, and hollow out democratic institutions, in an effort to consolidate power. Today, what remains is mere window dressing and a facade of democracy. The resilience of those fighting for change is undeniable, but the battle is now fought from a place of fear rather than hope. Inside Cambodia, criticism about the direction of travel of the country is met with brute force, while those fighting from exile have to contend with a world that is increasingly distracted by competing geopolitical crises. The international response to ongoing abuses in Cambodia has splintered, and this is allowing the current regime to operate with near impunity.
9DL: Last year saw the dramatic shrinking of Cambodia’s democratic space due to several developments, including the flawed Senate elections, continued persecution of opposition figures, and the tightening of restrictions on fundamental freedoms under Prime Minister Hun Manet. Has the transition of power from Hun Sen to his son changed anything in practice, or has it simply reinforced single-party rule? What avenues, if any, remain for the Cambodian people to push for democratic reforms?
MS: The dynastic transfer of power from former Khmer Rouge commander Hun Sen to his son, Hun Manet, was nothing more than a carefully orchestrated continuation of authoritarian rule. When Hun Manet took office, some in the West used his education in the UK and US as grounds for optimism. Yet, on his first day in office, he told the country’s military that his mission was to safeguard his father’s legacy — a legacy built on repression, corruption, and economic disparity.
In the period since, we have witnessed an accelerated concentration of power by the Manet family. The judicial system, which could have served as a check on executive overreach, has instead become a tool of repression, with opposition figures jailed — even for social media comments. The supposed checks and balances within the government are also a fiction. We now have a situation where the senate — the branch meant to keep the prime minister in check — is ruled by the country’s former leader, Hun Sen. And the prime minister, who is meant to be a check on senate power, is the son of the Senate president. We cannot expect any meaningful democratic reforms while the branches of government meant to address corruption are controlled by a single family and their elite circle.
9DL: Many Cambodian activists, including yourself, have been targeted by transnational repression, facing threats even outside the country. How has the Cambodian government extended its crackdown beyond its borders, and what can be done to protect exiled activists? Additionally, despite these challenges, NGOs and advocacy groups continue to push for change. What role do these organisations play in keeping the fight for democracy alive, and what obstacles do they face?
MS: Over the past few years, we have seen a marked increase in the boldness of the attacks by the Cambodian government on dissidents. The Hun regime has extended its reach far beyond Cambodia’s borders, orchestrating the detention and deportation of activists in countries including South Korea, Thailand, and Malaysia, often on the grounds of expressing dissent about the governance of their homeland. In January of this year, my friend and former Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) MP, Lim Kimya, was assassinated in Bangkok. This was an attack allegedly orchestrated by those close to the regime.
This is why international attention is crucial. We must keep the regime’s unlawful behaviour in the spotlight, leveraging media coverage and social networks to rally global pressure. Organisations like the Khmer Movement for Democracy (KMD) are critical in this effort, creating a unified voice and global support network. However, they face immense challenges, from combating disinformation spread by the regime to ensuring their members' safety amid ongoing threats.
9DL: The EU has been vocal about supporting democracy and human rights in Cambodia. What role do you think the EU can play in fostering democratic reforms, and how can it balance its values with the need for constructive engagement?
MS: Since 2017, economic ties between the EU and Cambodia have deepened, with trade levels growing from EUR 4.82 billion to EUR 5.79 billion in 2023, despite significant shocks born from the COVID-19 pandemic. And yet, at the same time, the EU has simultaneously spoken out against the regime’s unlawful behaviour and the worsening situation for ordinary Cambodians, particularly with respect to the country’s shrinking civil society, the curtailing of free media, and the general lack of political opposition in the country. Constructive dialogue from European leaders will be essential to creating change, and leverage for this should come, in part, from the economic clout the EU boasts from a trade perspective. It must recognise that if it provides economic support to Cambodia without conditions, there will be little incentive for substantial democratic reform.
This is why myself and my colleagues will be calling on the EU to introduce conditionality clauses in future trade agreements, which tie economic benefits to clear human rights benchmarks. This would allow for trade between Cambodia and the EU to continue while also opening doors for constructive conversations about reform. If the Cambodian government has nothing to hide, the inclusion of transparency measures would be welcomed as an opportunity to set the record straight on alleged human rights abuses. Additionally, we feel that the EU should be looking at a targeted sanctions programme for high-ranking officials involved in corruption and repression. This would send a clear message that the EU will not tolerate impunity, and reinforce the bloc’s standing as a global advocate for human rights.
9DL: Given Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s strong human rights record, particularly in Southeast Asia, how do you assess his ability to influence the Trump administration’s foreign policy? Considering Trump’s historically transactional approach, what concrete steps do you expect to see from Rubio in addressing democratic backsliding and transnational repression in the region?
MS: The US has played a crucial role in preventing Cambodia from becoming entirely dependent on China, and figures like Marco Rubio have been instrumental in keeping human rights on the agenda. His support for bills like the Cambodian Democracy and Human Rights Act has been vital in holding the Hun regime to account on the international stage.
That said, a US foreign policy turning towards isolationism could pose challenges. We have already seen that the tariffs imposed on China may inadvertently result in a deepening of ties between Phnom Penh and Beijing, as Chinese firms move to Cambodia to avoid these charges. Indeed, Xi Jinping toured Southeast Asia in April to position his country as a stable partner following a promised program of global tariffs by the Trump administration.
Added to this, the increasingly transactional approach of Washington, vis-a-vis foreign policy, could lead to a willingness to engage with the Hun regime in exchange for economic or security concessions. If the US is serious about promoting democracy, it must leverage its trade relations with Cambodia to demand greater transparency and anti-corruption measures.
9DL: China’s economic and political influence in Cambodia has grown significantly, particularly through infrastructure projects and investment. Concerns about a greater Chinese presence in the country through infrastructure projects like the China-funded Funan Techo Canal have been sharpened by Beijing stepping in to replace frozen USAID funding. How do you see China’s expanding role affecting Cambodia’s sovereignty and political landscape, and how can Phnom Penh best navigate these tensions?
MS: China’s growing influence in Cambodia has been a long-standing concern for many of us fighting for democracy and human rights in Cambodia. Unfortunately, China’s infrastructure investments have been a large factor in the growing economic inequality and corruption within Cambodia. For example, housing projects have created more than 500 ‘ghost towns’ of unaffordable housing and left many who were relocated for this building work living in poverty after being removed from their homes, while the elite reap the financial benefits.
Cambodia's sovereignty is not under direct threat — any such move would violate the Paris Peace Agreements and compel interventions from international signatories, including France, the UK, and the US — but the country is increasingly becoming economically dependent on China. China accounted for around 80 per cent of foreign direct investment into Cambodia in 2022, and, as we have seen in Laos, may see it falling into the same debt trap diplomacy. If Cambodia does not diversify its economic partnerships, it risks becoming a vassal state, bound to China’s strategic interests at the expense of its own autonomy. As China steps in to fill the gaps left by USAID, there is a very real prospect that this leverage will grow.
9DL: Despite repression, there remains hope for political change in Cambodia. What are the most promising pathways for restoring democracy, and how can the international community support this process? Additionally, how can Cambodia’s youth, many of whom have grown up under Hun Sen’s rule and may be disillusioned about democracy, be mobilised to push for a more democratic future?
MS: Cambodia has experienced democracy before, and it can again. But this time, change and resulting reforms must be driven by external pressure. The international community must impose targeted sanctions, introduce trade conditions, and actively support those advocating for democracy, both within Cambodia and abroad.
Organisations like the KMD are mobilising the diaspora worldwide, from Australia to France to South Korea. We are holding peaceful protests, actively engaging and sharing stories and support on social media, and working with policymakers around the world to amplify our ambitions for a better and democratically open Cambodia. For those of us outside of Cambodia, it is important to engage in capacity building with the diaspora and provide them with information on their civic and democratic rights, so they can bring that information to their friends and family in Cambodia and rebuild our country’s once-thriving civil society.
Supporting the youth and bringing them into the call for democratic reform is also fundamental, since many have only known one ruler or regime in their country. Social media is a key battleground in this fight. These online platforms provide a means to educate and inspire a new generation of activists, as well as connect the movement across the world to create a united voice. Our recent protests in Seoul saw over 3,000 people attend, with almost 500,000 seeing the event online. This was possible by the work of these youth leaders, bringing together different groups operating around the world and spreading awareness on social media. While the policy work we do is instrumental to Cambodia’s future, building a thriving civil society once more is just a key to Cambodia’s democracy. The fight is not over, and the next generation must be ready to carry it forward.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed are those of Mu Sochua and do not necessarily represent that of the 9DASHLINE.com platform.
Biography
Mu Sochua, a former Cambodian politician and Nobel Peace Prize nominee, is President of the Khmer Movement for Democracy. She lives in exile in the United States.