In Brief: Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy
In Brief: Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy on Taiwan, US-China rivaly
and Europe
You are familiar with both the EU and Taiwan. Do you see opportunities for greater collaboration and how can these be realised both operationally and in policy terms?
ZAF: I feel it is relevant to mention that I speak both as someone who has direct professional experience working inside the European institutions, or the ‘Brussels bubble’ in EU parlance, and seeks to promote its values, and, perhaps more importantly in this context at least, a friend of Taiwan. Europe is my home, but, when in Asia, it is in Taiwan that I feel most comfortable. This is because I directly experience the thriving democracy Taiwan has now become.
The shared commitment to fundamental freedoms, rule of law and democracy connects us. The EU must first, better appreciate, the value that lies in cooperation when it is rooted in shared norms, particularly now that the world is experiencing an authoritarian advance. Also, Taiwan must actively pursue opportunities for collaboration with the EU and its member states. Essentially, both sides should pay more attention to each other.
Where exactly do you think the two sides could increase collaboration?
ZAF: It is time we consider Taiwan on its own merits, and not in light of the China factor. Technology, cybersecurity, the fight against disinformation, research and innovation, smart industries and circular economy are areas where Taiwan has achieved a lot. Taiwan is also a leader in digital citizen participation. Each sector alone provides enormous opportunities for greater collaboration. In the immediate future however, considering the success of the Taiwan Model in containing the coronavirus, the most obvious areas for cooperation are healthcare and the diversification of global supply chains.
The EU should encourage its member states to consider Taiwan’s contribution to global health crisis management and support its participation in global efforts. In fact, Taiwan just marked its 200th consecutive day without a locally transmitted case of corona virus infection! They achieved this without a lockdown, with professionalism and science, with daily live press conferences and a real-time map of local mask supplies, through a collaborative approach, empowering citizens to fight the infodemic bottom up. In the words of Digital Minister Audrey Tang, making the fight against the virus fast, fair and fun made it successful.
Much of the global story currently focuses on the US-China rivalry, but, in recent months there have been significant moves in ‘Europe’ toward addressing the twin questions of challenge and cooperation from within the Indo-Pacific. Just how important an actor can ‘Europe’ become in the region and what form should its influence take.
ZAF: It is clear, US-China rivalry is shaping the future of the Indo-Pacific. The escalation in tensions within this rivalry is dangerous and carries great risks for Taiwan — and beyond. Efforts within the EU to pursue a more prominent role in the Indo-Pacific should therefore be duly noted. The EU is strengthening cooperation with like-minded countries, such as India, ties that have been neglected for far too long. It is also working on strengthening its own internal capacity to act in a coherent way. This is work in progress, as is the European project, but I trust Europe is seizing the opportunity to be more ‘geopolitical'.
First, we need to get our own house in order, because foreign policy begins at home. In Europe’s case, with its internal fragmentation, speaking with one voice will always be a challenge. What is important however is to manage the internal divergence constructively. At the same time, Europe has its own interests to protect in the region and should help avoid Taiwan becoming a pawn in a great power game. That said, Europe also needs to do a better job with its public diplomacy in order to facilitate cooperation with partners in Asia, for whom Europe still is a complex partner to engage. Recent interest in Paris and Berlin in developing national strategies on the Indo-Pacific should help Brussels move in the same direction.
A byproduct of China’s recent behaviour has been a surge in support and sympathy for Taiwan and its predicament as a thriving democracy intimately tied to a giant and hostile neighbour. How deep do you sense this new support goes, and, even if transient, how can Taipei best maximise the zeitgeist.
ZAF: The Taiwanese government meant it when they said ‘Taiwan Can Help’. Using its excess capacity to contribute to international epidemic prevention efforts, donating masks and protective equipment to the US, Japan, countries in Europe, Africa and the Middle East, ‘Taiwan Is Helping’. On the global stage, Taiwan seeks to act as a force for good and is currently receiving unprecedented levels of sympathy. It should be clear, by now, that Taiwan can, and does, play a significant role in global research, including in the development of vaccines. The good news is this sets a precedent for improved levels of cooperation with Taiwan on global health matters. The bad news, unfortunately, is that it makes an already hostile China more belligerent towards the 23 million large freedom-loving island nation.
We can expect China to continue shrinking Taiwan’s international space, and maintain its abnormal international status, claiming it as a territory despite it never having come under Beijing’s rule. Europe must make it clearer that it is every European country’s sovereign right to conduct relations with Taiwan, or any country for that matter just as it is China’s right to do so for itself. Europe must also reject Beijing’s weaponisation of its economic means. Demand for economic reciprocity has been a priority for the EU. Political reciprocity and mutual respect should be just as important.
In terms of soft power, does Taiwan do a good enough job of showcasing itself to the world — if not — which areas provide the best opportunity to advance its cause. And in your view what does the world not fully understand about Taiwan.
ZAF: From a European perspective, recent painful experiences have shown us that poor communication and lack of good public diplomacy can do serious damage to both Europe’s internal coherence and its external image. Taiwan has its own complexities, with a long list of domestic challenges, including an ageing society, stagnating wages and youth unemployment, as well as an abnormal international status. For Taiwan, a genuine existential challenge lies ahead in the form of an even more belligerent China and a dysfunctional United States. An ambitious, realistic and effective communication strategy is therefore required to boost Taiwan’s image in the world.
Taiwan has a good story to tell. To do this effectively, President Tsai’s administration should do two things. First, the government should capitalise on the high level of public trust it has earned internally for its success in managing the COVID-19 pandemic which centred on medical expertise, a collaborative and inclusive approach, discipline and professionalism. Public trust is a fragile thing and the government should, therefore, build on what it has achieved in order to improve other areas of public policy where trust remains low and much work remains to be done. Second, with its internal foundation consolidated, externally the government should capitalise on the global attention it has received, and use this to make its way into the global mind.
So how do you think Taiwan can use its soft power?
ZAF: The internationalisation of Taiwan’s success story is hard work, especially in a hostile neighbourhood, where democratic governance is the exception, rather than the norm. This is all the more difficult with China signalling it is ready to deploy hard power to contain Taiwan’s soft power, be it through economic nationalism or threatening to use military force. Nevertheless, the government should use the Taiwan Model as a soft power tool to help boost Taiwan’s image abroad. Taiwan has valuable expertise to share when it comes to democratic, open and transparent governance, establishing collaborative projects with society and the use of advanced technology in the process. The rest of the world, including Europe, has much to learn from this and Taiwan has made explicit its willingness to partner with likeminded states.
Earlier this year President Tsai Ing-wen won reelection to serve a further 4 year term — amid the turbulence of the COVID-19 pandemic, new leadership in Japan and the upcoming US presidential election — what effect do you see these events as having on Taipei’s New Southbound Policy.
ZAF: Striking a balance between maintaining security ties with the United States and diversifying links with countries in Southeast Asia while located off the coast of an aggressive neighbour (but also important trade partner), will remain an immense challenge for President Tsai. Domestically, navigating the complexities of a burgeoning Taiwanese identity will be just as important. Heightened uncertainty around the globe shows just how urgent Taipei’s need is to diversify its external relations.
In a pragmatic approach, President Tsai’s New Southbound Policy seeks to increase Taiwan’s international space, by connecting people and forging links in areas such as innovation, healthcare, technology, agriculture, culture, tourism. With the US-China rivalry intensifying, it is vital that President Tsai follows through on her signature policy, including further efforts to support China based Taiwanese manufacturers to relocate to Southeast Asia. With the pandemic shaping this reorientation in Taiwan’s policy, President Tsai should also encourage more cooperation with Europe. The EU-Taiwan Investment Forum held in Taipei was a good start and should be meaningfully followed up by both sides.
Finally, how do you see the future of Taiwan?
ZAF: Overall, the most important task for Taiwan will be to reconceptualise its regional and global role in a post-COVID world. Consolidating Taiwan on the domestic front will be just as important. US-China rivalry will likely remain and increase, and it is uncertain how this will impact the underlying structural dimension of Taiwan’s international status. Taiwan should therefore make sure it uses this opportunity to tell its story, inspired by a resilient Taiwanese identity, and driven by transparent and open governance.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of the 9DASHLINE.com platform.
Biography
Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy PhD is author of ‘Europe, China, and the Limits of Normative Power’ (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019), Affiliated Scholar at the Department of Political Science at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Consultant on China and Korean Peninsula at Human Rights Without Frontiers, former political advisor in the European Parliament (2008-2020). Currently based as a research fellow at Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan she is also an Associate at 9DASHLINE.