Challenging ethnonationalism from the Matsu Islands
Challenging ethnonationalism from the Matsu Islands
WRITTEN BY WEN LII
25 March 2021
Straddled along the political fault line between Taiwan and China, residents of the Matsu Islands have developed a distinct local identity that challenges traditional narratives of ethnonationalism. Although administered by Taiwan — officially the Republic of China (ROC) — as an offshore county, Matsu’s 'frontline' location less than 20km off the coast of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) also signifies longstanding cultural and historic ties with the coastal Fujian Province. Now approaching nearly 29 years since the end of military administration, today’s Matsu provides insight on how shared democratic institutions bridge historical differences between Taiwan and the offshore islands. Meanwhile, maturing electoral politics in Matsu also present an alternative vision of a ‘Chinese’ cultural identity that differs from ideas propagated by Beijing.
However, Matsu is not a unique case, as the ROC/Taiwan is home to many diverse ethnic and regional identities, with historical trajectories differing greatly between the main island of Taiwan and the offshore island groups of Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. Many other smaller islands off the coast of southern and eastern Taiwan are also distinct in terms of culture and even language. Like many border regions across the globe, the Matsu Islands present yet another reminder of the complex realities in which cultural and political boundaries may not always align, while also spurring Taiwan to formulate updated ideas on national identity — which embrace regional diversity as a strength instead of a weakness.
A stronghold of ‘ROC identity’
The first thing that sets Matsu apart from the main island of Taiwan is history. Whereas Taiwan was a Japanese colony between 1895 and 1945, the offshore counties of Kinmen and Matsu have been part of the ROC since its founding in 1911. With the Japanese colonial experience often cited as an integral part of what separates ‘Taiwanese’ identity from Chinese, Kinmen and Matsu tend to identify more strongly with the ROC and its associations with Chinese culture and identity. Strong identification with the ROC is also reflected in political preferences. Since democratisation, Matsu has shown strong support for the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). In fact, over the past few presidential elections, Matsu has maintained the highest percentage of support for the KMT nationwide. The ‘deep blue’ electoral preference of the county — the colour of the KMT — is only matched by its neighbouring island group of Kinmen.
While countries in East Asia, such as China, Japan or South Korea, may not hold particular strengths in fostering a multi-ethnic environment, Taiwan could look towards Europe or Southeast Asia to devise feasible approaches towards encouraging regional identities.
On the other hand, the KMT’s main political rival, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has experienced slow but steady growth in the region. The DPP has gone a long way since 1996, in which its presidential candidate Peng Ming-min received 1.66 per cent and 1.33 per cent of the vote respectively in Kinmen and Matsu. In contrast, President Tsai Ing-wen secured 21.77 per cent in Kinmen and 19.81 per cent for Matsu in the 2020 election. With national politics in Taiwan traditionally divided among those who support a ‘Chinese’ identity versus a distinct ‘Taiwanese’ identity, identity is often cited as one of the major reasons to explain the pan-blue leanings of the offshore islands. Others mention an aversion to Taiwanese independence among the 'frontline' islands stemming from a fear of war. Still, others assume that proponents of Taiwanese independence do not include Kinmen & Matsu within the boundaries of a potential independent Taiwan.
For Matsu, the issue of cultural identity contains an additional linguistic dimension, as the islands speak Fuzhounese or the Foochow language. This means that the local language of Matsu is mutually unintelligible with the native tongue of the majority of Taiwanese people, which is the Taiwanese Hokkien language. While Taiwanese is considered a Southern Min language (Min Nan), Fuzhounese is a dialect of Eastern Min (Min Dong). This makes Matsu stand out from the rest of the nation, as the Hokkien language is the mother tongue of the majority ethnic Taiwanese Hoklo people in the main island (around 70 per cent), as well as also being the first language of the other two offshore island groups of Kinmen and Penghu — albeit with different regional dialects. Matsu’s linguistic uniqueness has received attention from residents across the strait, with online videos of local political debates in the Fuzhou language receiving comments from PRC netizens. One iconic comment wrote, “I am from Fuzhou, this is the first time I have felt this close to democracy”.
Democratic values and growth of the DPP in Matsu
The rise in votes for President Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP in Matsu is symbolically significant, as it indicates the DPP’s growth in support beyond its traditional voter base. Personally, I decided to run as a DPP candidate in the 2020 Matsu legislative race based on a strong belief in bridging historical divides and promoting support for sovereignty and democratic values, regardless of ethnic background. Although we failed to win the election in what was described as an impossible race, the DPP experienced significant growth since it last nominated a legislative candidate more than a decade ago. This encouraged our team to launch a party chapter in the Matsu Islands in July 2020, making Matsu the last county in the country for the DPP to establish a local presence, thus completing the “last piece of the jigsaw puzzle” in our national outreach.
The traditional argument in support of Taiwan’s sovereignty would be to emphasise Taiwan’s cultural differences with China. Here in Matsu, an alternative narrative in support of Taiwan’s sovereignty is one that is not based on a common cultural identity, but rather on common values between Taiwan and the offshore islands, such as democracy and anti-authoritarianism. This builds a broad coalition between traditional supporters of Taiwanese independence and people in the pan-Chinese world that oppose the PRC annexing Taiwan based on their support for democracy. Beyond Matsu, the latter demographic includes many in the main island Taiwan and other offshore islands who might hold an affinity to ‘Chinese’ culture or civilisation, while also determined in their opposition towards communism. This pro-democratic stance also speaks to a broader audience in the global Chinese-speaking community overseas.
Some might assume that since the offshore islands are culturally and historically connected with Fujian Province, voters will not be critical towards the communist party, which presents itself as a champion for the “great renaissance of the Chinese nation”. Such a perspective is a simplistic view that conflates cultural and political identity. The Chinese Communist Party tries to tell the world that if a person identifies with Chinese culture, then they must support the Communist Party, binding the two together. However, what we see in Matsu, especially among the younger generation, is that one can simultaneously take pride in Chinese culture (or Fujian heritage) and stand against authoritarianism. As ‘ROC identity’ continues to evolve, it maintains affinity towards Chinese culture while also becoming increasingly localised within the context of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen & Matsu. ‘ROC identity’ has become a particular version of national identity in Taiwan, one that is distinct from PRC identity, while also not rejecting Chinese historic and cultural legacies such as the ROC flag, the ROC anthem and other institutions.
Respecting regional identity: Archipelagic homeland
Respecting cultural and regional diversity is crucial for Taiwan, especially as the nation attempts to contrast itself with the PRC in terms of different methods of governance. In contrast with PRC authoritarianism, which asserts a homogeneous national identity, it is important for Taiwan to embrace a nuanced sense of national unity without negating minority cultures in Taiwan. As Taiwan consolidates its own unique identity, can we present a narrative of national identity without erasing the distinct identities of offshore islands? China continues to attempt to stamp out regional identity across its periphery, ranging from Hong Kong, Tibet to East Turkistan (Xinjiang). It is crucial for Taiwan to present a different mode of governance when formulating policies related to ethnic minorities and historically distinct regions. After all, if Taiwan fails to address its own domestic cultural and regional diversity, the nation would be making the same mistakes as China.
Drawing from the unique cases of Kinmen and Matsu, traditional notions of a culturally homogenous ethnonationalism may be insufficient in building a national narrative for Taiwan. This ultimately boils down to whether Taiwan is able to espouse a vision of civic nationalism that encompasses different groups that hold distinct cultural and regional identities. While countries in East Asia, such as China, Japan or South Korea, may not hold particular strengths in fostering a multi-ethnic environment, Taiwan could look towards Europe or Southeast Asia to devise feasible approaches towards encouraging regional identities. Although rarely perfect, examples from other countries may provide Taiwan with an insight on how to embrace its own cultural and regional diversity. For example, a strong Bavarian regional identity does not necessarily contradict German national identity. Meanwhile, the multi-ethnic society of Malaysia allows for the three major ethnicities of Malay, Chinese and Indian people to retain their cultural distinctness under a Malaysian national narrative.
Last year, the newly-launched DPP Matsu Islands Chapter released a map of Taiwan with the outlying islands enlarged: including the three island counties of Penghu, Kinmen, Matsu, as well as the smaller island townships of Lanyu, Green Island and Hsiao Liuchiu. The map, known as Archipelagic Homeland, presents a maritime-centred perspective of Taiwan as a plurality of islands on the Western Pacific: culturally diverse but bound together by democratic values.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of the 9DASHLINE.com platform.
Author biography
Wen Lii is director of the Democratic Progressive Party’s newly-launched Lienchiang County Chapter, located on the Matsu Islands, 20 kilometres off the coast of China’s Fujian Province. He is an analyst on foreign policy and regional security issues. Image credit: Flickr/Rutger van der Maar.