While the world softens on the Taliban, Afghans continue to suffer
While the world softens on the Taliban, Afghans continue to suffer
WRITTEN BY CHRIS FITZGERALD
16 August 2023
United States officials met with senior Taliban representatives in Doha during the last week of July, raising concerns that the international community is softening its stance in terms of officially recognising the Taliban as the government of Afghanistan. The meeting was confirmed by the US Department of State, which used a press release to reveal that a US delegation led by Thomas West, the Special Representative for Afghanistan, met with Taliban representatives between 30 and 31 July in Qatar. According to the statement, the US raised several issues, ranging from concern over the ongoing humanitarian crisis and the human rights situation to the poor state of the Afghan economy and terrorist activity throughout the country.
The meeting came as a surprise to many. In the almost two years since the return of the Taliban, the US and the wider international community have steadfastly refused to deal with the movement, citing its human rights record and links to terror groups. With Afghanistan facing a myriad of crises, the concern is that the international community may have run out of patience and is now willing to deal with the Taliban.
This threatens legitimising an authoritarian movement that severely represses women and minority groups, and still has close ties to terror groups. But this may also present the world with a chance to solve Afghanistan’s most pressing problems. With the Taliban craving recognition of its regime, there is an opportunity to leverage this with a list of demands, including respecting human rights and effectively tackling terrorism.
World consensus on the Taliban is fracturing
The Taliban is not officially recognised by any country or international organisation since regaining power in August 2021, when US and NATO forces hastily withdrew from the country, leading to chaotic scenes at Kabul’s Hamid Karzai International Airport.
The international community should leverage the Taliban’s desire for recognition and the need to solve Afghanistan’s problems with improving human rights in the country.
Washington is no different, taking a hard-line approach to the Taliban by refusing to recognise it as the official government of Afghanistan. It has also imposed sanctions against the movement and its leaders, as well as freezing billions of dollars of Afghan central bank assets. This is because of the Taliban’s poor human rights record, which has been seen as a major barrier to any form of cooperation, let alone recognition. Afghanistan has also seen a resurgence in Islamic extremist groups, which concerns not only the US, but also China, Russia, and the countries of Central Asia.
Therefore, the international community has been consistent in its demands for the Taliban to form an inclusive government, respect the human rights of women and girls, and successfully combat Islamic extremism.
But there have been signs that the consensus within the international community is weakening. At a UN-led meeting on Afghanistan in April, United Nations Deputy Secretary Amina Mohammed drew criticism after stating the international community “could find those baby steps to put us back on the pathway to recognition [of the Taliban]”. However, this was quickly rebuffed by UN Secretary-General António Guterres, who said the meeting was “not about recognition of the de facto Taliban authorities”.
Other states have already begun to take what they describe as a pragmatic approach. China and Russia have remained involved in Afghanistan post-2021, keeping their embassies open while others fled. China has sought greater economic ties, signing infrastructure deals and meeting Taliban officials face to face. Uzbekistan, a key neighbour of Afghanistan, has stopped short of official recognition but has signed several agreements with the Taliban, including the lucrative trans-Afghan railway project.
To varying extents, the international community is reassessing its position on the Taliban because the situation in Afghanistan is continuing to deteriorate. The country’s economic and humanitarian crises have intersected with the movement’s poor human rights record, causing immense human suffering. This means the international community has begun to realise it may not be able to solve Afghanistan’s problems without involving the Taliban.
The Taliban’s methods have not changed
Since the Taliban’s return, the country has been mired in economic and humanitarian crises, causing alarming levels of poverty and millions to starve. According to the UN, Afghanistan remains the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, with 28.8 million Afghans, over half of the country’s population, requiring humanitarian assistance.
Islamic extremism is again flourishing under the Taliban. The movement has again been caught harbouring Al Qaeda, with the UN reporting the relationship between the two “remains close” and that “Al-Qaeda has a safe haven under the Taliban and increased freedom of action”. Islamic State in Khorasan (ISIS-K) has also gained a foothold, achieving notoriety for the deadly bombing outside Hamid Karzai International Airport during the US withdrawal in 2021 that killed 60 Afghan civilians and 13 US troops. Since then, ISIS-K has claimed responsibility for seven high-casualty terror attacks in Afghanistan, killing and wounding an estimated 967 people.
The Taliban’s human rights record also remains one of the worse in the world. In its first iteration between 1996 and 2001, the movement collapsed walls on homosexuals, targeted and killed members of the Hazara ethnic group, and severely and violently repressed the rights of women and girls. Despite promises to the contrary, the Taliban have not changed.
Since returning to power, the movement has systematically restricted the rights of women and girls, including indefinitely banning women from attending university, enforcing veiling, and forbidding freedom of movement. More recently, the Taliban barred women from visiting beauty parlours, widely seen as another cruel attempt to erase women and girls from public life.
The Taliban have also forbidden most women from working, including via a decision late last year to ban women from working for international and domestic aid organisations. The ban has exacerbated an already acute economic and humanitarian crisis, with many aid organisations forced to cease operations, preventing help to at-risk communities. The situation is so dire that the UN recently released a report arguing that the Taliban’s treatment of women and girls amounts to a form of apartheid under international law.
In response to these issues, the international community has so far attempted a delicate balancing act, circumventing the Taliban while trying to solve the complex problems that face Afghanistan. This includes channelling humanitarian aid to the UN and other international and ground-level aid organisations. In this context, the US meeting with the Taliban could indicate that it realises that the current methods to rebuild Afghanistan and avoid human suffering are not working, and that some form of dialogue with the Taliban is needed.
Talks are an opportunity
Greater dialogue with the Taliban presents the international community with an opportunity to pressure the Taliban. The movement is desperate for official recognition to gain prestige and because they understand that outside help is required in solving the country’s problems. This includes international assistance to address the humanitarian crisis, stabilise the economy, increase employment, and improve infrastructure. With the Taliban so far unable or unwilling to successfully tackle terrorist groups, it clearly requires outside help from Afghanistan’s neighbours and the wider international community. This assistance, or at least greater potential for cooperation, will come from recognition of the regime.
Here, an opportunity presents itself. The international community should leverage the Taliban’s desire for recognition and the need to solve Afghanistan’s problems with improving human rights in the country. For example, this could come in the form of an agreement to help involve the Taliban in humanitarian aid funding if the movement is willing to allow women and girls to enjoy fundamental human rights in employment, education, and in wider society. This carrot-and-stick approach may be the best way to achieve meaningful change in Afghanistan almost two years since the US withdrew from the country.
But there are also risks. The Taliban has been accused of corruption and misappropriating donor funds that they can currently access. Greater access to funds runs the risk of this money ending up in the pockets of Taliban leaders, rather than at-risk groups. The Taliban could also simply pay lip service to human rights while sticking to its strict interpretation of Islam and further restricting the rights of women and girls. A move towards greater tolerance may also create division between the radical and moderate factions of the regime. A solution would be to have human rights monitors in Afghanistan, but this would require permission from the regime.
If the international community is in fact willing to offer recognition, it is the Taliban that has a decision to make. The movement’s hold on power depends on two things: solving the issues the country faces, such as the humanitarian crisis, to achieve political and regional stability; and, gaining legitimacy from its own people. Official recognition of the Taliban from Afghanistan’s neighbours, like countries in Central Asia, and the wider international community will not only provide prestige but also assistance in rebuilding Afghanistan.
The onus here is on the Taliban because the world has changed since its first stint in power. Now, the international community wants and needs the regime to govern effectively to prevent the country’s issues, like terrorism, from spilling out into the wider region. If it fails to do so, the regime will increasingly come under pressure from supposed friends, like China, and foes, like the US.
If the Taliban wants to rebuild Afghanistan, the decision should be a simple one. The Taliban needs to abandon its policies that cause human suffering and cease harbouring extremist groups. Instead, it should respect its international legal obligations when it comes to human rights, improve the lives of Afghans, and effectively tackle terrorism.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of the 9DASHLINE.com platform.
Author biography
Chris Fitzgerald is a freelance journalist. He writes on political and human rights issues in Central, South, and Southeast Asia. His work has been published in the South China Morning Post, Asia Times, and the Southeast Asia Globe. He is also Project Coordinator for the Platform for Peace and Humanity's Central Asia programme. Image credit: Wikimedia/Tasnim News Agency.